Discussed herein are the anguish caused by certain media and entertainment activities conducted on the day of the catastrophe, hopes for acknowledging the anniversary as a day of mourning, and the prospects of investigating and rescuing prisoners.
Originating from Kamianets-Podilskyi, 28-year-old Oleksandra Mazur is a linguist by training and an alumna of the University of Warsaw. In 2018, she made Ukraine her home again and has resided there ever since. Prior to the full-scale invasion, she was actively employed in her field of expertise: editing, translating, and tutoring. These days, however, her time is largely dedicated to volunteering for the Olenivka Families Community organization.
The Olenivka Families Community is a coalition of over a hundred families. Their dearest — husbands, brothers, and sons — stood firm in defense of Mariupol until May 2022, when their commanders ordered them to surrender, and they were taken prisoner. Tragically, on the night of July 28-29, 2022, they were victims of an explosion in a barracks at colony No. 120 in the village of Olenivka. The horrific attack claimed the lives of more than 50 Ukrainian defenders and injured over a hundred. This information has yet to be validated as the Russians have denied access to the prisoners, and it remains uncertain whether all the deceased have been returned to Ukraine.
Even though the mass execution of Ukrainian soldiers in Olenivka is unprecedented, Ukraine has not officially declared any days of mourning for the victims of the terrorist attack. The Olenivka Families Community petitioned the president for this acknowledgment; so far, the petition has garnered 8,500 signatures out of the required 25,000 for review. An investigation into the attack is ongoing; the families of the captured and deceased are collaborating with lawyers and human rights advocates to pursue justice in international courts. The principal aim is to secure the return of the prisoners. Consequently, the Olenivka Families Community is utilizing social media and news outlets to ensure their relatives are not forgotten, and the issue is appropriately reported.
Oleksandra Mazur shared with Detector Media why she might have been declined an interview, the objectives of the Olenivka Families Community, and the price of mistakes made by Ukrainian and foreign media.
Oleksandra Mazur told Detector Media the reasons she had been declined interviews, the goals of the Olenivka Family Community, and the price of mistakes made by Ukrainian and foreign media.
“Numerous media declined to interview me as I didn’t wish to divulge details regarding my family connections.”
— I believe that in Ukraine, people often hide behind heroic acts or mere accomplishments or the rank of father, brother, husband, and so on. I want to avoid this as much as possible. Therefore, I would merely state that I am from a family of a hero, as we all are relatives of prisoners of war who were in that barracks.
Regrettably, my loved one perished. Initially, he was listed among the injured, but later DNA analysis confirmed that he was among the deceased, and a funeral was held recently. We arrange several memorial events in his honor, and he is written about by media, personalities, and organizations. In other words, we speak of him without referring to ourselves. Subjectively, I find this appropriate because he is a hero, and his heroic journey encompasses his military education and participation in various patriotic organizations. This is his achievement and his heroism. My own contribution will be what I can accomplish in the community and for Ukraine at large.
“I started volunteering with what I was skilled at since the commencement of the full-scale war.”
— Initially, I performed translations. Translators have their own chat rooms and social media groups, and right from the start, we began to self-organize to inform foreigners about the unfolding events. I believe we did a great job. Many such translation groups sprang up, and we translated news and pleas for foreigners, even advocating for Russia’s disconnection from SWIFT back then. Subsequently, I volunteered in OSINT communities that collect information about Russians and their media personalities from open sources. We tracked their statements about Ukraine and the war then and in the past. Thus, I volunteered for various organizations while still working until I founded the Olenivka Families Community in January 2023. I’ve devoted my full attention to it since March, when we launched on social media.
“My loved one was among the defenders of Mariupol at Azovstal”
— Mobile communication became scanty: phone calls were not possible, and only brief text correspondence was feasible. On average, this happened once a week: sometimes more frequently, sometimes less so. Back then, we had a better communication line with our family friend, Alla. She, too, was in Azov. My understanding of Mariupol’s defense was majorly shaped by her. But on May 8, 2022, a bomb was dropped on a bunker predominantly inhabited by women. She, along with all the other women in that bunker, died.
As the order to evacuate Azovstal was issued, I received a message from a dear friend of mine. He talked about international assurances that everything would be alright. (Currently, Russia and a few international organizations deny the existence of any such agreements.) Later on, when we conversed with other families within our community — a few of our relatives managed to message us — we discovered that they all had faith in these assurances and believed their captivity would be short-lived.
“I was not aware of Olenivka. None of us knew the exact locations of the colonies where our close ones were kept”
— I found out when the lists were released by the Russians after the attack. His name was listed among the wounded. Initially, I felt a surge of relief because it meant he was alive. But it was revealed that he was indeed dead. We recently learned that two DNA samples matched, and we buried him. A noteworthy detail: in the Ukrainian documents, his date of death is recorded as July 29, but when his body was transported to Ukraine in October, it was in fairly good condition. I suspect that he died later, possibly in a hospital. We are aware of how the Russians preserve bodies, and I doubt it would have been preserved like this from late July to October. However, the investigation is underway, and I hope that they will eventually disclose the truth to us.
“Family group chats are widespread. It’s how military families band together”
— Family group chats have been in existence since the onset of the full-scale war, in various forms. People became acquainted and formed connections. I was part of one such chat — a group for families from Azov. But I didn’t spend much time there because of my extensive volunteer work and occasional contact with my close ones who were in Mariupol and later at Azovstal. Consequently, I didn’t really need to source information from the chat. Out of such military family chats, offline initiatives take shape: various exhibitions, events, and demonstrations. People meet, connect, and communicate.
Until January 2023, there was a chat specifically about Olenivka for the families of those presumed killed. I was also added to it. This chat was initiated by the Patronage Service, which looks after the families of the victims. By that time, I had already acquainted and interacted with Mariya Alieksieyevych, the spouse of another prisoner of war. Sadly, her husband, too, was in those barracks, but he survived. She was not included in this chat.
“We were assured of an international investigation, the UN assembled a mission. And in January, just like that, it was disbanded, they aren’t going, Russia won’t allow it.”
— Then, the wife of a surviving prisoner of war decided to unite the relatives of the deceased and the relatives of those who survived the barracks in a single chat room. Messages spread through family chats that we were planning to form a community. That’s how we found each other.
“Currently, the community consists of over a hundred families. The search for relatives is ongoing”
— Around ten individuals in our community are the most active: they manage social media, participate in demonstrations, give interviews, and travel abroad. Others aren’t as consistent, but they participate whenever they can. Often, for instance, elderly parents don’t have access to the Internet or social media, and they struggle with using a phone. Our members strive to include as many people as possible. Not just our goals and activities are vital. It’s crucial for the family to be in their own environment: to simply converse with people who, regrettably, share a similar experience.
As a translator, I previously worked with organizations that assist visually impaired children. I observed that within their community, these children are just normal: they have their unique communication styles, and they don’t pity each other. However, society often showers them with an unnecessary kind of pity. They detest it; they are just normal, ordinary children. Likewise, what our community currently needs is simple acceptance without any excessive pity.
“Just because someone I care about died does not mean that I want to talk about death all the time. Or that I constantly want to be pitied.”
— This community provides an environment where you can just be a person, not someone with whom death is always the topic of conversation. I think our society needs to learn how to handle different traumatic experiences. For instance, those who have endured torture by the Russians have a unique experience, and they do not wish to be constantly reminded of it or only seen through this lens. Similarly, service members have their own experiences, and I don’t think they want to feel excluded by society because they’re viewed as “different”. So, the community helps you just be yourself; it provides acceptance and normal communication.
“Our first goal is to bring back the survivors”
— The majority of the survivors are still in captivity, and their relatives are part of our community. We can’t bring back the deceased. We can extend the investigation and commemorative events over time. Of course, this can’t be put off indefinitely, but it can wait a bit. The survivors should be our primary focus.
“The media described us as relatives of the deceased. This was very painful for the relatives of the survivors to read.”
— It’s difficult to read such descriptions when you are a relative of the wounded and live in constant fear of becoming a relative of the deceased. Sadly, they are not included in the [prisoner] exchanges. Only a few have returned. We gather information independently; sometimes, some relatives inform us that their loved one has returned and can share some details. It’s not like the government officially provides us with documentation, so we’re cautious with the figures.
Why isn’t there accurate data on the number of the deceased and survivors? We know the number 193, given by the Russians. Initially, one video showed that the barracks had “193” written on it, which probably indicates the number of people. The Russians returned more than 50 bodies; the analyses showed these were the deceased who were in the barracks. However, we don’t know whether the Russians returned all the bodies. Therefore, we can’t state the exact number of the deceased. Secondly, we can’t fully trust the Russian lists. Thirdly, most of the witnesses who were in the barracks and survived are still in captivity.
“Our second goal is to find and punish the perpetrators. To accomplish this, we need an international search and trial so that they are unable to hide anywhere in the world.”
— I hope that when we win, we will be able to find them on Russian territory and bring them to justice. These are our two primary goals, but to achieve them, we need to accomplish many smaller objectives. For instance, our petition. In my opinion, it would be fitting to declare the day of mass execution of captive Ukrainians a day of mourning so that Ukrainian society is aware of this event. Foreign reporters covering Ukraine should understand this as well. The Russians should realize that we take this matter seriously.
“We want to tell the world that Russia violates the Geneva Convention. We want to declare that it executes prisoners”
— We recognize that our efforts can help other prisoners in some way: not just those from Mariupol, not just those from Azov. We also attempt to communicate with foreign media. So far, we have had one delegation trip, but we plan to attend conferences on human rights and the Russian-Ukrainian war.
For Russia, the execution of prisoners isn’t a new occurrence in the last hundred years. It happens consistently. Let’s remember the Katyn tragedy (the execution of over 21,000 Polish prisoners of war by a secret order of the Soviet leadership in the spring of 1940 — DM). We are in contact with the Katyn Family Federation and plan to co-publish with them.
“For Russia, breaking the rules of warfare and committing war crimes is a tradition”
— We need to draw attention to this. The terrorist attack in Olenivka is not the only instance of captured Ukrainians being killed by Russians or dying due to a lack of medical care. There’s a story about my fellow countryman from Kamianets, Roman Ivanenko. He was captured on January 24 and was left to die from a serious injury until February 28. Russia did nothing.
“Russia doesn’t allow anyone to visit the site of the terrorist attack, doesn’t allow them to see the prisoners. Only false reporters — Russian or paid by Russia — are allowed there.”
— By spreading information, we hope to put pressure on Russia to at least allow international organizations to see the prisoners. We are in normal communication with the Ukrainian Red Cross, but unfortunately, they have no new information for us. We insist on foreign monitoring of the conditions in which captured Ukrainian soldiers and civilians are held.
“The investigation in Ukraine is progressing as far as possible. There is no access to the colony, but we can gather evidence.”
— We have legal experts; the case is very complex. The bodies of the victims were brought in, and DNA analysis was performed. Now we have transferred all documents to collaborate with the Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union. There is also an organization called OSINT for Ukraine, which collects information about what Russians have written about Olenivka on social media and in the media.
We have an agreement with the organization Yahad-In Unum, which gathers evidence of war crimes. We will also reach out to others. We need to obtain permission from the command for the witnesses to share information. After gathering as much information as possible, we will add it to our lawsuits in international courts. The fact that Russians refuse access and ignore the UN’s requests for information about missing persons can also be noted.
“All community members read what is written about us”
— We independently monitor the media. It is important not to disseminate incorrect numbers and not to refer to the families of survivors as the families of the deceased. People read all of this. The first issue was a mistake in a name or surname. Since we are an organization that cares about our heroes, we decided it was our responsibility to contact the media. Ever since, whenever we notice errors, we reach out to the media. Some correct them, some don’t.
The most common error was quoting Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets incorrectly (many media outlets wrote that the bodies of those killed in Olenivka had only now been returned — DM). This showed that the media weren’t particularly interested in the topic. We searched for what the media wrote in October. Few gave it headline attention, and some only mentioned it in the body text. It seems like this event went unnoticed. And after Lubinets’ comment, people began writing to us in large numbers: “Finally returned”, “Comment on this”. This reveals a lack of knowledge, as we’ve been managing social media since March, where we consistently commemorate our heroes and their burials and share their stories. And then we’re told that the bodies have only recently been returned.
We’re not blaming anyone but focusing on what we can do ourselves. Naturally, we feel hurt that following the terrorist attack or the establishment of the organization, we didn’t receive much support. Other organizations and the government were aware of us. But what can be done? We’re not looking to argue; our common cause is to resist and fight against Russia. We need to find ways to collaborate and come to an understanding so we don’t make these errors again. We’re open to communication and are gradually learning how to communicate using the media.
“Foreign media wrote almost nothing about Olenivka following the incident.”
— Over the past month, together with Viktor Sholudko from VoxCheck, we’ve been monitoring media coverage of Olenivka in Poland, Germany, and France. In France, it’s very challenging. No French media outlet has considered that the explosion could’ve come from inside. Everyone wrote “a hit”, even though the investigation is ongoing (on July 25, 2023, the UN published a report in which it acknowledged that the cause of the explosion in the colony in Olenivka was not a HIMARS missile — DM). If any journalists are reading this, I would advise you to contact your foreign colleagues and discuss the situation after gaining a clear understanding of it. After the incident, almost nothing was written, even though the investigation is ongoing, and we want to discuss the prisoners more abroad. We need to raise this topic in the foreign media somehow. For foreigners, it seems as if the event occurred in July and has since ceased to exist.
It’s crucial to note that the Olenivka Families Community includes both families of those who perished and those who survived. I believe this is an extraordinary situation. Despite everyone enduring immense stress and varying traumas, we maintain a good relationship within the community. I know the feeling when a loved one is injured, and the sensation when they have passed is somewhat different. Still, we find common ground. Notably, a petition to honor the memory of the victims of the terrorist attack was initiated by Mariya Alieksieyevych, whose husband Serhiy is still alive. When someone writes that the families of the deceased had initiated it, it’s distressing for her to read, considering her tireless fight for her husband’s life.
There was also an incident where a picture of one of our members was edited to superimpose the Olenivka barracks, burnt beds, and bodies, making it appear as if she was present there. She reached out to them, and they removed the image, but they didn’t seem to grasp the issue with it.
It’s also traumatic for relatives to encounter videos posted after the explosion in their news feeds. Some days are relatively manageable, and you try to keep it together. But then you open social media and are again confronted with horrific images. It’s challenging for us to witness these scenes constantly.
Thus, when activists, media, or artists plan projects about Olenivka, like what we’re doing for the anniversary of the terrorist attack, it would be considerate if they contacted us first. It’s not that we’re opposed to it; just let us know in advance to prevent unwelcome surprises. This is merely a matter of ethics. There was a case when an organization that arranges rallies abroad was planning events about Olenivka but was hesitant to speak with us. I told them it was odd that they wanted to organize an event about Olenivka but didn’t want to communicate with the families of Olenivka prisoners.
“I wish the media would write about Olenivka not only from a romantic perspective.”
— Often, people declined to interview me because I wanted to discuss “boring” topics like investigations. I understand that readers are more captivated by family stories, but this is a grave matter. It would be beneficial if media outlets reached out to our lawyers to understand the situation better. I have seen media reports stating that “an investigation is impossible.” It is possible; just ask how.
“Russia has exploited the Olenivka issue to showcase ‘Nazis’ to the world.”
— When my loved one was listed among the wounded, I immediately visited Russian telegram channels to see if he appeared in their videos or photos. They have such a powerful impact on relatives. There are channels that display horrifying footage of blood or body parts, and relatives watch all of it, searching for their loved ones. There are also media and channels that seem friendly to us. They write in a gentle tone and subtly hint that Zelenskyy is to blame for everything. We must ensure that Ukrainians do not land on these channels. Maybe we should maintain a central database of useful information about our soldiers and filter it so that families are not overwhelmed. There are people who are already devastated, and what the Russians say can be the final blow.
The terrorist attack in Olenivka was extensively covered by the Russians. From my monitoring, it seems that France, for instance, places great weight on what Russia communicates. They often cite Russian sources in a 50-50 balance with Ukrainian ones or sometimes only cite the Russians. This means that all of Russia’s narratives at the time made it overseas. Foreign media also use the term “Nazis.” Even if it is in quotation marks or cited, it’s still there. So, the Russians have traumatized families, mocked them, disseminated information abroad as they wished, and it was published. Overcoming Russian narratives abroad requires significant resources.
To commemorate the anniversary of the Olenivka tragedy, we have organized numerous publications and events for people to learn as much as possible about our existence and our openness to dialogue and cooperation. We aim to step onto the international stage to confront Russia and simultaneously integrate into the ongoing developments in Ukraine, where we can make a difference.
One of our major goals is gathering signatures for our petition. Ukraine currently doesn’t observe a day of mourning on the anniversary of the Olenivka tragedy. This is unusual, given the extraordinary nature of the event, and we should continue putting pressure on Russia to prevent such an incident from recurring. They committed a horrendous act that will be held against them on the international stage, but there’s much work to be done. We need to officially recognize the incident as a terrorist attack since there are no formal documents about it. We need as much state involvement as possible to bring this to international attention.
“We don’t object to people enjoying themselves, dancing, or singing in moderation. But not on a day of mourning.”
— Let me share an instance with you. I went on Twitter to check what was being said about Olenivka. I came across a tweet from a woman who had applied to the Faine Misto Festival (Fine City Festival) scheduled to occur on the anniversary of the terrorist attack. It was meant to be a large, festive event. How could this be? No one in our community was aware of the festival, and it was about to happen. We approached the organizers, who stated they couldn’t cancel it but asked us for a compromise. If it wasn’t for the war, a compromise might not have been possible. It seems everyone had forgotten about the terrorist attack.
There’s no room for internal squabbles during a war, so we agreed that they would acknowledge their mistake this year and try to host it on different days the following year. They agreed to have one of our members speak at the event and publicly honor the memory of the fallen, and inform people about the petition so they could support it.
Making mistakes is natural. This was a terrible mistake, but it happened. When I checked social media, I saw several major entertainment events scheduled for those days. I understand that we’re constantly under bombardment, experiencing Russian war crimes, and it could have been overlooked. That’s why we didn’t quarrel with Faine Misto; they listened to us. But I believe if this is resolved at the national level, we wouldn’t have to explain that we’re hurt or anything of the sort. It would simply be settled.
Photo credit: Oleksandra Mazur, Olenivka Families Community, Azov Patronage Service.
